Encyclopedia of new religious MOVEMENTS edited by Peter B. Clarke provides a truly engaging and authentic view of the emerging religious MOVEMENTS on a background of the universe. This encyclopedia, containing 428 articles from leading academics, studies the remarkable examples of religious MOVEMENTS emerging in each continent. Clarke as an editor has written a higher income as "New Religions as a global phenomenon", a "Resource guide of NRM" and a useful article entitled "Typology of new religions" in this encyclopedia. This encyclopedia is a leading, research, updating, important, and valuable reference for academic libraries. However, the encyclopedia suffers from some disadvantages, among which we can refer to apparent contradictions in Index, the incidence of historical errors, print, etc., in its context and putting NRM identified with the Cults, sects, and counter-culture groups

Taqiya (religious reservation) 2 is a natural reaction and conforms to the individual’s discretion or that of the minority, which is done on the basis of expediency and aims at rejecting the corruption or attracting the others’ affection. This rule is often used in interaction with opponents and in the form of two types of “apprehensive taqiya” and “tolerating taqiya”. This article aims at revealing the positive roles of taqiya in MOVEMENTS and seeks to prove that in the opposition between taqiya and the factors creating a movement, there is not just a negative role for taqiya, i. e. stagnation and standstill. Rather, on the contrary, the positive roles of mobilizing, converging, immunizing, and the like – which create MOVEMENTS and lead to interaction with MOVEMENTS – are to be considered as well. These positive roles are studied through an analytical-descriptive method. Indeed, taqiya as the strategy of contention is a rational and timely subject, playing various roles in MOVEMENTS depending on the demands of the time. Of course, sometimes it gives up the expediency due to the priorities.

برای شناخت سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، عوامل و مولفه های نشأت گرفته از ماهیت نظام بین الملل، جهان در حال توسعه، نظام های انقلابی، سرشت اسلامی انقلاب ایران و نظام سیاسی برخاسته از آن که در تعامل با یکدیگر سیاست خارجی ایران را شکل می دهند، باید ملاحظه گردد. جنبش های معاصر در جهان اسلام در زمینه تحولات انقلابی توانسته چشم انداز جدیدی جهت اثرگذاری انقلاب اسلامی ایران در توسعه این حرکت ها ایجاد نماید. زمینه های مشابهی همچون ضدیت با اسرائیل، مقابله با نظام سلطه و افزایش هویت بین انقلاب اسلامی و اتفاقات منطقه وجود دارد. همین موضوع می تواند در کنار ظرفیت های عدالت محوری و سلطه ستیزانه انقلاب، یک الگوی کامل برای این تحولات در مسیر ایجاد نظام های مردمی محسوب شود. در این میان، جایگاه حمایت های آشکار ایران از خیزش های مقاومت در منطقه و سیاست های ایران در قبال تحرکات رژیم صهیونیستی و در مقابل، ناکارآمدی سران جهان اسلام در برابر این رژیم، ایجاد حکومتی مردمی را نظیر آنچه در ایران بر سر کار است در میان ملت های منطقه، تقویت کرده است. این مقاله سعی نموده است با روش تحلیلی و با مراجعه به منابع اسنادی به این سؤال پاسخ دهد که الگوی انقلاب اسلامی چه رابطه ای با جنبش های اسلامی معاصر دارد.

One of the most challenging things about modern ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS, these MOVEMENTS are involved in the formation of identity. Given that the thinkers and theorists such as Castells, Jurgen Habermas, and Alain Touraine identity in the era of globalization and is central to. Therefore, the formation of identity, purpose and behavior patterns of the new social MOVEMENTS, including ISLAMIC neo-fundamentalists is essential. Nevertheless analysts, scholars ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS such as Castells, Demejian, Esposito and Oliver Roy is one of the main reasons behind the formation of the modern movement, including Moderate MOVEMENTS and MOVEMENTS such as the Taliban and al-Qaida, the ISLAMIC world of Western reaction to Muslim nations, policies, strategies Islamophobia in the West, the Western media humiliation ISLAMIC identity, religious identity, and back. . . . Is In fact, about the origins of modern ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS and behavior of classical MOVEMENTS to factors such as globalization, westernization, the West's policy towards. To project Islam as Islamophobia, Muslims in the West and degrading treatment, contrary to the cultural identity of the Muslim West (Clash of Civilizations), violent attacks against ISLAMIC countries including America West, West's support of the Zionist regime, identity challenges in ISLAMIC countries, and. . . . noted.

1. Introduction On the eve of the beginning of the 1400s, one can stand on an adventurous century and consider the nature and fate of the various tragedies of this century full of advice and lessons: from the very costly world wars and the establishments of new countries with the fragmentation of formerly established countries to So-called humanitarian interventions and proxy wars. But among all these serious disasters, the most recent of them, the establishment of an ISLAMIC state in a large part of Syria and Iraq, contains strategic and valuable lessons. Unfortunately, an accident of this magnitude was aborted in our country by ideologues, journalists, and researchers, while Iranians and Iranian academies could have resorted to international references on the pillars and the future of ISIS and similar groups due to Iran's forced involvement in this affair. It is a great loss and despair for Iranian masters to resort to Western sources to understand the roots, methods, and future of ISIS MOVEMENTS, while the war took place near the Iranian borders and thousands of Iranians were involved in this abnormal war, and could be treasury of data and analysis. Anyway, the fire of ISIS's claims has been extinguished. The first and the most simplistic assumption is that ISIS has disappeared and the way to deal with its re-emergence is to strengthen the special strike and counter-terrorist forces. The main question, however, is that, assuming the possibility of the re-emergence of ISIS or a similar group, where is the most favorable region in the ISLAMIC world for such terrible groups to play, and what are the signs and symptoms of ISIS hosting. The present study tries to test the hypothesis that the main element in the jihadists' choice of al-Qaeda/ISIS is the feeling of occupation, and the main indication for estimating the place of emergence of ISIS or quasi-ISIS is the concept of statelessness. 2. Methodology Various answers have been given as to where ISIS will appear, but the method of analysis and research of this article is completely different. Most scholars on jihadist and fundamentalist groups emphasize one or more of the following components to explain the location of ISIS: Failed States Jihadi mercenary army Extension of the Caliphate: Revival of ISLAMIC sharia on the earth with the establishment of a Model ISLAMIC State Contrary to the above three assumptions, which have fallen into the etymological stage of ISIS and are incapable of understanding the present and especially the estimation of the future, the present paper looks into the future by focusing on radical Salafi MOVEMENTS (of the ISIS type), not through conventional futures studies and the arrangement of numerous and unusable scenarios in policy-making. In this study, focusing on the main texts and main repositories of ISIS thought, we explain the present and speculate the coming years. 3. Findings It seems that wherever the influence of the government is not deep or whatever area that can be equipped, hidden and escaped, the establishment of ISIS is favorable. Based on this fact: Border areas such as Kandahar, Afghanistan, or any other area bordering Diyala province in Iraq, mountainous and inaccessible areas such as the mountainous areas of Tora Bora as well as the mountainous areas of western and even northern Iran, uninhabited areas such as remote southern villages in Kerman, and financially poor areas such as South Khorasan province have the potential to host Takfiri-Jihadi groups. The main sign of the announcement of the presence of ISIS and similar groups is the start of explosive operations, abductions, and suicide attacks, the occurrence of which is a sign of the start of operations of radical groups. These cases have been addressed in detail by radical fundamentalist theorists, and as noted, the most important role players are Abu Bakr al-Naji, Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, and Abu Qatada al-Palestinian. Therefore, as it is emphasized in the previous sentences that the way to recognize and deal with Takfiri MOVEMENTS such as ISIS is to first understand the driving force and emergence of Takfiri MOVEMENTS, and in this regard, it is needed to focus specifically on the component of the feeling of occupation and the experience of occupation and exclusion. And secondly, to avoid surprises it is necessary to take Aqaba and the intellectual reservoirs of this kind of movement in study centers seriously, because it seems that Iranian universities and study centers are more preoccupied than familiar with the currents of thought. They are Western thinkers. 4. Conclusion Now, after getting acquainted with the mechanism of determining the areas of operations by Salafi-Takfiri groups, the objective and practical question is which areas have the talent to host ISIS and similar groups? Can ISIS be stationed in any area? What are the areas and squares that are likely to be of interest to them? According to the six rules and regulations mentioned earlier, it seems that wherever the influence of the government is not deep or whatever area that can be equipped, hidden and escaped, the establishment of ISIS is favorable.

The attitude and understanding of the political elites has played a significant role in the formulation of governmental institutions and organizations in every period of the political history of ISLAMIC countries, especially countries undergoing political transition. In this period of modern ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS in Muslim countries, the role and impact of political elites was of great importance. The necessity and importance of this role is clearly evident in how to explain and interpret the concepts, values, institutions, pillars, laws, management, efficiency, acceptability and ultimately the desirability of the government influenced by the vision of the political elites. The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on the library collection method. The article deals with this important and fundamental question, what is the role of political elites in the institutionalization of modern ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS in the ISLAMIC world? The main hypothesis is that the strategic nature and management of political elites in modern ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS with regard to optimal decision-making, political self-confidence, strengthening of ISLAMIC identity and efficient institution building in ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS leads to the design of authentic and revolutionary ISLAMIC government models. Due to the lack of attitude and comprehensive understanding of the political elites of authentic ISLAMIC teachings and concepts, innovation in political decisions, deviation in the path of identification of popular uprisings, many ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS in the ISLAMIC world have faced the characteristic of lack of institutionalization.

Background and objective: Over the last few decades, social MOVEMENTS have raised variety forms of collective behavior, which is in terms of objectives, nature and method of campaign totally different from classic MOVEMENTS. The new approach is concentrated on such a type of power which is described by Steven Lukes as “Third dimension of power”. The power has a different and new nature based on mentality processing and satisfaction. The type of vast cultural and social changes taken place in Iran, especially in megapolises. Meanwhile, expansion of communications has provided proper circumstances for formation of MOVEMENTS like this. The present research aims at identifying aspects of these MOVEMENTS and surveying the level of their tendency toward soft power. The basic question raised here is: “To what extent is the level of social MOVEMENTS approach oriented toward third power (soft power)?”Material: The research is of descriptive-survey type. A questionnaire based on Likert scale was used for collecting data from 72 commanders and managers who have had close relationship with social MOVEMENTS, in terms of its relevance with their professions. The samples were randomly selected in clusters.Findings: The research findings indicated that over the last few decades in Iran, social MOVEMENTS have had tendency toward third power (soft power). The MOVEMENTS have been oriented toward becoming cultural, value-based, satisfactory and avoiding violence. They have basically used some specific tools such as media, art, symbolism, etc. for displaying their objectives, and campaign. Therefore, their control and management should be fulfilled while taking into consideration these realities.

Throughout history until today, the ISLAMIC world has been witness to various MOVEMENTS which have been formed in response to special demands. The current article aims to address the similarities and differences between the political thought of the ISLAMIC Revolution of Iran and two MOVEMENTS in Indonesia namely the Nahdatul Ulama (NU) and the Muhammadiyah MOVEMENTS using a descriptive-comparative method. The research findings show that some similarities exist between these MOVEMENTS regarding a) unity of the Muslim world and b) political liberties (role of people in politics); however, some differences are apparent in other areas such as a) governance model and its type, b) type of the relationship between religion and politics and the issue of modernity.